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The Alliance connects more than 13,000sustainability champions across 9,000+ schools, districts, and organizations from 48U.S. states and 91countries.

As the core of communities worldwide, schools can start a global movement. The “sustainability champion” is any individual who wants to ignite that spark in their school.

Students Principals Educators Facility Managers Administrators Staff Parents

Sustainability Coordinators Business Officers Procurement Professionals Non-profit Advocates Elected Officials Small Business Owners Community Organizers

Community Members Volunteers Conservationists Environmentalists Sponsors Corporations Philanthropists . . .

WHAT WE DO

Empower Students: We give students engagement tools, programs, and training to help them gain the skills to become sustainability leaders in their communities.

Empower Students:
GET INVOLVED

Support Schools and Districts: We provide leadership development, management solutions, and reporting systems to boost institutional efficiency and effectiveness.

Support Schools and Districts:
HERE'S HOW

Build Community: We offer collaborative tools for individuals, supporters, and leaders to break down silos and build a stronger “green schools” community.

Build Community:
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SUSTAINABILITY LEADERSHIP COMMITMENTS

Hundreds of principals, heads of school, and district superintendents have set the stage for meaningful change by making sustainability leadership commitments.

Representing more than 8,000 schools and 5+ million students

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Become part of the Green Schools Alliance, so you can connect, collaborate, lead, and engage with others to create healthy and sustainable schools.

The second dimension of the crisis is that the weakening of our geopolitical “hard power” has been paralleled by deterioration at the level of soft power as well. The NED has published a collection of essays entitled Authoritarianism Goes Global that describes how Russia, China, and other authoritarian countries are using sophisticated soft-power techniques and multilateral coalitions like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to subvert the global norms contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to replace them with the norm of unlimited state sovereignty. They’re also trying to neutralize and control civil society by passing very restrictive NGO laws and cutting indigenous civil society groups off from any international assistance. And as already noted, they’re using hackers, trolls, and other instruments to subvert the integrity of the media space in Europe and elsewhere to spread confusion and division and to undermine the institutions of the West. Autocratic regimes are also trying to weaken global election norms by stacking international monitoring delegations with what are quaintly called “zombie” monitors who sign off on fraudulent elections.

Of greatest concern is the third dimension of the problem, which is the crisis of democratic values and will in the established democracies of the West. This crisis has been gathering momentum since the financial collapse almost a decade ago and the subsequent problems of economic stagnation and dysfunctional governance. More recently it has taken the form of a backlash against globalization, the rise of populism and illiberal politics in Europe and the United States, and the emergence of what Ivan Krastev, in the current issue of the Journal of Democracy, calls “counterrevolutionary democracy,” which he links to “a world of vast inequalities and open borders, [where] migration becomes the new form of revolution.” Last week George Freeman, the head of the British Prime Minister’s Policy Board, said that the US election and the Brexit vote were linked by the failure of the globalized economy to serve the interests of average workers, adding that “a genuine crisis of legitimacy [is] sweeping through Western political economy.”

Since it is the democratic West that has built the security, political, and economic institutions that constitute the liberal world order and that have produced unprecedented peace and prosperity over the past seven decades, this crisis of legitimacy now threatens to shake the foundations of contemporary global civilization.

We have grown complacent about our democracy, assuming that its survival is inevitable and that it doesn’t need constant care and civic engagement. Last July NED published an article in its Journal of Democracy by Roberto Stefan Foa and Yascha Mounk that was ominously entitled “The Danger of the Deconsolidation.” It contains some very alarming statistics about the attitudes of young people towards democracy that show that democratic commitment declines with age. Young people, in other words, show less commitment to democracy than their parents and grandparents.

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